The Ongoing Conflict in Spain: Basque Nationalism.
INTRODUCTION
Conflicts are not entities in themselves. They have to be
viewed and analysed within the context of various factors; those
that lead to conflict in the first place and also those that keep
them fuelled.
In the case of the Basque-Spanish conflict the divergent objectives
are seemingly simple to identify. The Spanish government's aim
is to keep Spain a single unified state while the Basque nationalists
aim to create their own independent state in the region they consider
to be Basqueland.
The Basques are not unique in claiming nationhood. Nationalist
movements, by their very nature, require justification of nationhood
for them to arise in the first place. These justifications can
be various and include, inter alia, ethnicity, culture,
language, and even religion. Whatever the reasons for claiming
independence, a need of at least one such distinctive feature
is a must.
The Basques can lay claim to many of these features. They
have their own distinct language Euskera. They also consider
themselves as being a unique ethnic group having its own culture.
However their most important claim is upon the territory which
they consider historically as their homeland, Euskadi.
To understand the Basque conflict one has to perforce examine
the underlying themes which have caused it. In order to provide
a possible solution one has to also examine the stands of the
conflicting parties, and whether or not they are ready to accept
the perceived cost of the solution. One must here keep in mind
that perceptions of each side's position is an important factor.
One man's terrorist can be someone else's freedom fighter and
what one calls a causus belli can be for someone else a
baseless excuse. Inevitably in these types of conflict all sides
claim, not only that they are doing what is right, but that it
is the will of their people.
This essay is an attempt to discuss the relevant issues and
propose solutions. This shall be done principally by examining
the Basque claim to nationhood and independence vis-à-vis
the Spanish stand on unity. Hopefully an understanding of the
issues will help formulate the possible ways of resolving the
conflict.
BASQUE CLAIMS FOR NATIONALISM
A popular version of history says that the Basques began to
establish themselves as a political unit with the Duchy of Vasconia,
which covered the area from the River Ebro, upward from Saragossa
to the shores of the Garrone and which was established at the
beginning of the seventh Century. However until the 1890s the
social distinctiveness of the four Basque provinces had produced
no nationalist consciousness.
The most distinctive feature of Basque society was the language
Euskera which is not Indo-European and is unique. This
has helped to emphasise the distinctiveness of the Basques and
justify their right to be independent of Spain and France. The
social structure of the Basque country had been different from
other Spanish regions such as Andalusia, where large landowners
ruled over peasants and landless labourers. The Basque custom
of primogeniture prevented the extreme fragmentation of land holding
which dissipated family wealth in other areas. This encouraged
younger sons to leave the land and serve the crown as soldiers,
sailors or bureaucrats. It also encouraged good educational standards
which helped several Basques to occupy high positions in both
the court and within the church (such as Ignatius Loyola and Francis
Xavier)
The existence of ancient statutes, the Fueros, was
the main evidence produced by Basque nationalists that the Basques
were once a sovereign people, although the Fueros of each
province were distinct and the Spanish Crown had never treated
the Basque country as a single political unit. The Fueros were
abolished after the second Carlist War of 1873-74, a move that
was unpopular with the Basques. But the real impetus for nationalism
came with the development of the Vizcayan iron mines which brought
an influx of immigrants from elsewhere in Spain and produced xenophobic
currents in the native populations.
A BASQUE POLITICAL MAP
Sabino Arana, who is claimed to be the founder of the nationalist
movement, formed the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) in 1895,
and although a political party it was considered by its adherents
as more of a cultural movement. When the Spanish Republic, established
on 14 April 1931, granted autonomy to Catalonia, the Basque nationalists
inspired by Sabino Arana and led by Jose Antonia de Aguirre, began
a large scale, well planned campaign for Basque autonomy. Three
out of four the Basque provinces' assemblies of local councillors
voted for autonomy. Vizcaya, Guipuzcoa and Alava voted in favour
of forming an autonomous Basque region within the Spanish state,
while the delegates from Navarre voted narrowly against. In 1932
a plebiscite in the 3 provinces produces a result of 82% in favour
of autonomy. However the military uprisings that followed divided
the Basques in two and when the Government of the Republic granted
autonomy it was only applied to Guipuzcoa and Vizcaya. On 8 October
1936, Aguirre was sworn in as the first president (Lehendkari)
whose government's first actions were to pronounce the Basque
flag (Ikurrina) as official and to create the Basque army
and University.
UNDER FRANCO
The Spanish Civil War created a lot of hate which would influence
mentalities later on. The German Luftwaffe in April 1938 tested
out for the first time their "burnt earth" tactics on
Guernica leaving 1644 dead and 889 wounded, after which Bilboa
was occupied in June. The Basque troops surrendered, numerous
executions by firing squad were carried out and concentration
camps set up. Aguirre escaped to France and a Basque government
was established in Paris. A mass Diaspora of Basques occurred
during the years of the Civil War. A calculated number of around
275,000 people had moved, an enormous figure when one considers
that the population of the four Basques provinces in 1936 was
only 1,300,000. The entire Spanish Basque country was subjected
to repression. Thousands of nationalists were killed or imprisoned
while the use of Euskera was prohibited.
It had been hoped that the defeat of Nazi Germany and Fascist
Italy would prove to be the downfall of Franco. However the Allied
powers made no serious attempt to remove him and with the intensification
of the Cold War Franco came to be seen as a Valuable US ally.
In 1953 Spain signed a pact with the US which granted American
bases in return for economic aid, signifying an end to Spain's
economic and diplomatic isolation.
The Basque country, as one of the most industrialised parts
of Spain, underwent massive economic expansion and an increase
in the demand for labour which could not be met locally resulting
in more non-Basque immigration. These developments presented problems
for Basque nationalism. The chances for a nationalist revival
were seen as too remote under the iron rule of Franco and while
the Basque government was still in exile.
ETA
A split from the PNV due to incompatibility between groups
of activists led to the creation of ETA (Basque Homeland and Liberty).
The latter was seen by the PNV as a movement of impatient youth.
Its earliest ideology consisted of the formation of a national
front of all patriotic elements including the representation of
young people and emphasising that the world had changed.
ETA's commitment to armed struggle was first made clear with
the attempt to derail a train of Civil War veterans to a rally
celebrating the 25th anniversary of Franco's rising. However this
brought ETA to public attention and state repression. Scores of
people were arrested disrupting the organisation's structure.
The consequences suffered by ETA showed the inadequacy of having
such a loose organisation. Until the first assembly not only did
ETA have no clear structure but the activities of its members
were hardly distinguishable from those of other Basque nationalists.
The First Assembly produced a two page Statement of Principles.
Demanding independence and unification of the French and Spanish
Basque country in a democratic state which would guarantee freedom
for all religions. The statement also supported a Federal Europe
and declared that immigrants would neither be expelled nor segregated,
as long as they did not act against the Basque national interest.
Euskara would be the sole official language although French
and Spanish would be recognised. Perhaps most importantly in view
of the Spanish opposition to Basque independence is the principle
that states that basic industries would be nationalised.
Following various Assemblies an increasing emphasis on Marxist
concepts could be observed. The Navarrese group Tratxe joined
forces with ETA and in 1966 the Aberri-Eguna (Day of the
Homeland) was held on the bridges of Hendaye in order to emphasise
a break from the folklorist tradition of the Basque Nationalist
Party.
The first death at the hands of ETA took place near Tolosa.
Txabi Echebarrieta opened fire on the Guardia Civil during
a road block, killing the agent Pardines and dying himself on
7 June 1968. On 2 August of the same year ETA killed the police
inspector Meliton Mansans in Irun. The fight was now to the finish.
It is beyond the scope of this short essay to list all attacks
that ETA have committed but certain landmarks should be mentioned.
The trial involving 16 leading members of ETA in 1970 known
as the Court Martial of Burgos made headline news world-wide.
It drew attention to the Franco regime and its totalitarian fascism
and was perhaps the most crucial event in ETA's history. The trial
and the following campaign to save the lives of those 6 who had
been condemned to death aroused the awareness of the whole population
of the Basque country and of the world. The enormous public response
to the trials included strikes, demonstrations and occupations
of churches. All this attracted sympathy to the ETA cause from
a large number of people who had previously been indifferent.
It also showed that Franco could not risk having people put to
death by means of a military court and the death sentences which
were passed were revoked the next day.
When Franco died on 20 November 1975 there were 500 members
and supporters of just one branch of ETA alone (ETA-VI, the other
one was ETA-V) in prison. The first contacts between the political
and military wing of ETA (ETA-PM) with the government were established
during 1976 together with an amnesty and a truce which lasted
until the 24 May 1977, the beginning of the electoral campaign
for the first democratic general elections on 15 June 1977. In
the meantime the Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV) held its first
meeting in San Sebastian and on 19 January 1978 the Ikurrina
was again legalised. A second amnesty resulted in more key ETA
prisoners being released but the organisation held out for the
release of all its members. A total amnesty was granted on 20
may.
A new Basque political map was drawn up with the creation
of the first Basque General Council which however did not include
Navarre. The Statute of Guernica was approved in San Sebastian
and following the March 1979 General Elections and April Local
Elections a new Assembly of the Basque Country was formed with
Carlos Garaikoetxea as President.
THE ISSUES IN TODAY'S DEMOCRATIC SPAIN
Now that Franco was gone and a Socialist Government was in
place, ETA hoped that their demands would be met. But the state
government made it clear that it would not cede any further devolution.
A failed coup attempt in 1981 by the rebel Civil Guards strengthened
the hand of the Spanish government. After the election of Felipe
Gonzales as Prime Minister in December 1982, Defence Minister
Narcis Serra quickly pushed through reforms that tightened civilian
control of the Armed Forces. Talks also were initiated with ETA,
but when these collapsed tough anti-terrorist measures were instituted.
The action to suppress separatist violence was undercut by
the refusal of France' s then Socialist government to root out
ETA units attacking Spain from bases in the Basque Southwest.
Paris feared reprisals and some French Socialists viewed ETA as
"freedom fighters".
These circumstances led to what has been called a "dirty
war". A clandestine Anti-terrorist Liberation Group (GAL)
was formed and started operating in Spain's and France's Basque
regions, kidnapping and killing suspected ETA members. But nine
of its 27 victims in Southern France in the mid-80 were found
to have nothing to do with terrorism. The GAL stopped operation
after the French authorities began to co-operate seriously with
Spanish officials.
However in 1995, a Spanish judge found evidence that at least
two ETA suspects who died in police custody had been tortured.
He also discovered links between the police and the GAL. A former
director-general for security and an ex-chief of police in Bilbao
admitted helping the GAL's operations, and insisted that other
higher officials were involved. Both men incriminated Jose Barrionuevo,
who was Gonzales' interior Minister from 1982 until 1988.
Political analysts have claimed that this Socialist government
connection with GAL has cost Gonzales dearly at the polls. It
also helped ETA to once again through state repression to get
sympathy from the people especially the young who it attempts
to recruit to its ranks. Elections to the Spanish Parliament held
on 3 March 1996 gave a victory to the right wing Partido Popular
(the first right wing government since 1982). The PP is however
committed to a strong centralised Spanish state and has fought
an election campaign with the promise to eliminate the Basque
problem.
Herri Batasuna (HB), which is considered as the ETA's political
voice (much like Sinn Fein but less close) fought the elections
with candidates drawn from relatives of prisoners and victims
of state death squads and torture. HB retained their 2 seats with
around 180,000 votes, slightly down but very much consistent with
previous results. During the election campaign the leader of HB
was imprisoned and accused of aiding terrorism because the HB
electoral video included images from a video made by ETA to explain
the steps needed to bring a resolution to the war in the Basque
country. In the run up to the election ETA assassinated a leading
member of the Spanish Court an action which caused the reaction
of a massive peace demonstration in Madrid and a call for the
end of violence. The assassination of the judge helped ETA to
lose some of the sympathy it had captured due to the GAL affair.
The people of Spain in general are now obviously fed up. ETA
are increasingly being looked at as terrorists by the Spanish
and support from moderate Basques is decreasing. However there
has been a noted increase in militancy from younger Basques (ETA's
primary support base). In what is being described as a "miniature
Intifada" clashes with police are common and many more young
people than before are agitating within student politics for Basque
independence. Another focus of the Basque struggle has been the
plight of some 350 Basque political prisoners who are dispersed
in jails throughout the Spanish state and its islands in the Atlantic.
In early March 1996 the Council of Europe charged the Spanish
government with torturing ETA suspects and this has further fuelled
the campaign.
It is clear that the problem will not just go away.
CONCLUSION: IN SEARCH OF A SOLUTION
ETA has declared in March 1996 that if the Spanish state recognises
the right to self-determination and the territorial integrity
of the Basque country, ETA would declare a cease-fire that would
give way to a democratic process in which the Basque population
will decide all aspects related to the future of the Basque countries.
That having been said, one must now look at the options open to
the state.
1. Refusing to negotiate with who it refers to as terrorists:-
This is the course of action presently taken by the PP government
in Spain at the moment. It does not however mean that the Basque
conflict will disappear. By ignoring the problem it won't go away.
People in Spain are getting fed up living in continual fear of
a bomb attack.
2. A propaganda war:- This could have the scope of showing
Basques that their lot is better by remaining Spanish, and also
isolate the more militant nationalists from the bulk which are
wary of the conflict. This is being done by the Spanish government.
The results are however too long term to quantify.
3. Increase anti-terrorist activities:- this has been done
in the past and it does not seem to have worked except to drive
ETA even more underground. Anti-terrorist groups are too much
of a liability as has been shown by the "dirty war".
Everything has to be done within the law something favouring the
separatists. The state could attempt to eliminate all the separatists
but it is hardly possible, whilst eliminating them of their leadership
has not worked due to the separatists' system of having autonomous
branches all capable of committing anti-state activities.
4. Grant full independence to the Basques subject to a plebiscite
within the Basque country:- This is a "hard to swallow"
option for any Spanish Government. Firstly a plebiscite in the
Basque country would most probably (although not certain) result
in favour of independence, secondly it would mean an electoral
defeat for the party putting it in action in Spain itself. The
Basque country is too important both for economic and industrial
reasons and also for the ethnically Spanish people living there.
So it seems that there is an impasse. However one road which
always remains open is negotiating. What compromise can be reached
however is not clear. Who are to be invited for negotiations?
Can the government except what it calls terrorists at a talks
table? ETA has to be part of the negotiations or else these would
be in vain. And yes, they can meet at a talks table. ETA has declared
cease-fires before and can do so again. However the government
has to show it is ready to concede some more autonomy to the Basques.
What one can foresee would be the creation of an independent state
with special relations on the lines of Andorra. The political
will for this to come about is of course another matter.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books
Calvocoressi, Peter. 1996, World Politics Since
1945, 7th Edition, Longman, London.
Lane, Jan-Erik and Ersson Svante O. 1994, Politics
and Society in Western Europe, 3rd Edition, Sage Publications,
London.
Sullivan, John. 1988, ETA and Basque Nationalism:
The Fight for Euskadi 1890-1986, Routledge London.
Other Publications
Campbell, Brian. 1996, Basque Struggle Remains Vibrant,
Transcript of Phloblacht/Republican News, 28-11-1996, on
the Internet.
Toda, Teresa. 1996, ETA Cease-fire Challenges Spanish
Government, Transcript of Phoblacht/Republican News, 11-07-1996,
on the Internet.
Valls-Russell, Janice. 1995, Terror and Politics in
Spain, in the New Leader, Vol. 78, 9-11-1995, pp.
Daily Mail Centenary: 100 Amazing Years, 1996 on CD-ROM
The European, 1996
The Guardian Weekly, 1995, 1996.
AUTHOR: Joe J. Grech